O professor Eric Barendt, da University College London, discute o delicado equilíbrio entre liberdade de expressão e privacidade.
Tanto a liberdade de expressão quanto a privacidade são direitos fundamentais e igualmente reconhecidos na Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos e em muitas constituições. Como um deve se relacionar com o outro?
Costuma-se pensar que esses dois direitos entram em conflito, especialmente quando um tabloide ou blog quer revelar algo a respeito da vida privada de uma celebridade – particularmente sua vida sexual – que ela prefere manter para si mesma e alguns amigos. Mas muitas vezes a privacidade é necessária para a liberdade de expressão. Amigos e namorados não podem se comunicar abertamente um com o outro, a menos que tenha certeza de que suas conversas não vão ser ouvidas e arquivadas pelo governo ou repetidas na mídia. Mesmo conversas políticas podem demandar privacidade como, por exemplo, quando funcionários públicos e ministros, ou parceiros de coalizão, discutem assuntos delicados de políticas públicas que não querem revelar – pelo menos por enquanto – ao público em geral. Alguns tribunais, nomeadamente o Tribunal Constitucional Alemão, sustentam que eles devem ser protegidos por uma questão de privacidade.
Mas como os conflitos entre privacidade e liberdade de expressão deveriam ser resolvidos?
Quando surgem conflitos, a lei não pode proteger ambos direitos – um deles precisa ser renunciado. Minha opinião é que precisamos nos perguntar qual é o valor do discurso e compará-lo com a importância da privacidade. O que será sacrificado se a liberdade de expressão é colocada como prioridade? Se o discurso – por exemplo, um artigo em um jornal ou um blog – contribui para o debate político ou social importante e não se intromete em detalhes muito íntimos sobre a vida privada de um indivíduo – digamos, se ele menciona apenas suas preferências alimentares ou o que ela usava em um jantar – a liberdade de expressão deve se sobrepor à privacidade. Mas se o artigo revela detalhes íntimos da vida sexual de uma celebridade ou seu histórico médico, a privacidade deve prevalecer porque dificilmente tal divulgação pode contribuir para um importante debate público.
Claro que há muitas questões difíceis nesta área. Quanta privacidade um político sacrifica quando entra para a vida pública? Digamos que um tabloide revele que um político tenha experimentado drogas na universidade. O meio de comunicação pode justificar a publicação usando o argumento de que os eleitores têm o direito de saber o histórico moral de alguém que está concorrendo à eleição a um membro do parlamento? Por outro lado, pode-se argumentar que mesmo os políticos têm direito a alguma privacidade, caso contrário poucas pessoas entrarão para a vida pública se para tanto for necessário ter um histórico moral inatacável.
Eu acho que até um certo grau de hipocrisia pode ser justificado como um elemento essencial da privacidade. Todos temos o direito de dizer que “Estamos bem de saúde e espírito”, mesmo que tenhamos recebido a notícia naquele dia que sofremos de uma séria doença ou que tenhamos terminado um relacionamento. A privacidade dá a todos o direito de controlar que tipo de informação é divulgada para quem.
As cortes inglesas nos últimos anos têm dado frequentes ordens à imprensa para que não se publique histórias de pouco interesse público e que infrinjam a privacidade pessoal das celebridades e do comportamento de jogadores e atletas fora do campo. Daí vem a dura questão: essas ordens servem contra blogueiros ou twiteiros que revelaram o nome do jogador de futebol ou detalhes de seu comportamento? Blogueiros podem alegar que têm direito individual à liberdade de expressão e a imprensa pode alegar que a história agora está em domínio público por toda a internet. Outra dura questão é se a resolução desses conflitos pode ser relegada às cortes ou se ela deveria ser levada a cabo por tribunais informais ou organizações como a Comissão Inglesa de Reclamações à Imprensa. Receber uma decisão judicial pode custar alguns milhões de libras – muito além do que a maioria das pessoas pode pagar. Mas a existência desses assuntos delicados não deveria nos levar a abandonar os direitos à privacidade, porque sem sua proteção efetiva, muito da autonomia e da intimidade dos indivíduos podem ser perdidas.
Eric Barendt, professor emérito de Direito da UCL, é autor do clássico trabalho Freedom of Speech (OUP) e assessor do Free Speech Debate.
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The difficulty with this discussion – in fact much of the discussion in this debate – is that freedom of speech tends to be treated as though it has a special status to which other rights are largely expected to accord.
In reality, freedom of speech is an important right, but there are others, and sometimes they will come into conflict. It follows that the status and value of free speech can only be sensibly discussed if one has a general framework for resolving conflicts of rights.
Reason tells us that there must either be a hierarchy of rights, with rules to resolve conflicts of rights of a similar order, or else all rights must be treated as being on the same plane, with our deciding conflicts of rights according to the circumstances of each case.
The difficulty presented by the latter approach is that rights cease to have any real value because they are not guaranteed of enforcement. It is also a manifestly deficient argumet because not all rights are equal. For example, the right to have a state funded university education, or the right to drive a car are clearly not on the same level as the right to not have one’s life taken, or the right to free speech.
In ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’ Isaiah Berlin wrote that:
“The sense of privacy itself, of the area of personal relationships as something sacred in its own right, derives from a conception of freedom which, for all its religious roots, is scarcely older, in its developed state, than the Renaissance or the Reformation. Yet its decline would mark the death of a civilisation, of an entire moral outlook.”
Sadly much of the discussion of free speech to be found here assumes that the right to privacy should be limited to accommodate a broader right of freedom of speech.
Perhaps the converse approach might be preferred.
If we believe that freedom of speech, and privacy (the freedom to be left alone) are on the same level, then perhaps privacy should, as a general rule, prevail.
Berlin said as much when he argued that, “If the liberty of myself or my class or nation depends on the misery of a number of other human beings, the system which promotes this is unjust and immoral.”
Surely the invasion of privacy, or the assault on individual dignity, which is implicit in many expansive conceptions of freedom of speech, can only result in the sort of misery Berlin feared.
Surely to key to resolving conflicts of equal rights is to be found in the manner in which they are exercised. If one right is actively exercised (that is, in such a fashion as to intrude on the rights of others), and a conflicting right is passively exercised, we must surely favour the passively exercised right over the actively exercised right.
The reasons for this are simple. A passively exercised right seeks to detract from none, to make no inroads on the liberty of others. It must be protected and preferred. Were we to do the contrary, then we would favour those who intrude on others, and we would ultimately pitch society into ceaseless conflict.
If one accepts this, then it is not the nature of the subject which should determine the extent (or limits) of free speech.
Perhaps we should look at other factors, such as whether we are truly dealing with the free advocacy of ideas, or merely an unfettered commentary on the lives of others.
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I agree but to some extent. You have considered privacy and freedom of speech in case related to public figures. They do not comprise the whole state. I do not deny that these things don’t happen with them, but the majority should be given the priority first.
Points in which u have considered politicians should be given the privacy is considerable, but, I, explain it as,
They are elected just to serve their public, who choose him so he can listen to everyone and take a mutual decision in favor of everyone. he do needs the privacy just for a fixed period of time , so he can glance upon the subject and come up with either a good result or some genuine option. Now the point is that whether we have the right to speak freely and put our ideas in public, or the law is just I black and white.
Coming to the point of privacy. As our elders say that we live in a democratic state can put our ideas thinking and wish outside but that point should not create any problem for others. But critical cases are of public figures or so called celebrities , They do need the privacy but just in their personal life . Coming publically makes them the figure of public , they represent what public is, was or want to be ? So Privacy and freedom of speech, when considered in case of common people have a limit but when it is considered for public figure . After a certain time interval privacy should not be there. This is the ultimate base of many social problems which we are facing today. If privacy of public figures is made transparent then a lot of problems will be solved automatically.
At the end, I would just like to summaries that privacy is limited for somebody’s personal life and when it comes to public , it should be made transparent along with freedom of speech.
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I sympathise with the views expressed here but recognise that once the cat is out of the bag it is out and cannot be put back. What is required is higher standards in those who have access to and control of sensitive personal information of people who are exposed to public scrutiny. It is true that nobody is perfect so a fitting reprisal for a person who decides to make public somebody else’s sensitive personal secrets might be to open up their private life to public scrutiny if it could be done. That should make people think twice before deciding what really is in the public interest should it not?
The point about the cost of legal action is well known and true but is it justified? Taxpayers have already paid for Her Majesty’s Court Service. Why are they charged again for making use of it? Is that not double taxation? What happened to the noble aims of access to justice? Why are solicitors permitted to ask for payment before they have done any work? If they are paid for the time taken they are free to extend that as they will as I have witnessed in action. Is it not time to examine and review the justification for these things? Why are solicitors permitted to treat their clients as if they cannot be trusted to pay bills? What plumber gets paid before doing the work?
What I suggest is missing is a moral compass as we have witnessed in the conduct of far too many members of what may be generally described as high society society receiving over generous payments from the public purse not to serve the public but deprive them of what is their due by corrupt practices, non disclosure of information they are entitled to receive but are refused it when requested. That is what the Freedom of Information Act was designed to rectify but more effort is being put into hiding information than disclosing it.
What part has been played by the Established Church of this country in setting the example of proper moral conduct and standards in society. I suggest it has not and is part of the problem.